There is insufficient evidence that opening supermarkets in food deserts has a positive impact on improving health outcomes, social outcomes, or healthcare costs, utilization and value.
The findings below synthesize the results of the studies on opening supermarkets in food deserts across three domains of measurement:
Food-related needs fall into three interrelated categories: food insecurity, nutrition insecurity, and dietary quality.
Food Insecurity
Food insecurity is defined as not having access to enough food due to limited financial resources[1]. In 2021, 10.2% (13.5 million) of United States (U.S.) households reported experiencing food insecurity. Of families experiencing food insecurity, 6.4% (8.4 million) were identified as having low food security and 3.8% (5.1 million) were identified as having very low food security[2]. Food insecurity varies by race, ethnicity, household makeup, and income. Rates of food insecurity are higher than the national average (10.2%) for families that identify as Black (19.8%) or Hispanic/Latino (16.2%), for households with children (12.5%), and for households with income below 185% of the Federal Poverty Level (FPL) (26.5%)[3]. The majority of Medicaid enrollees have household incomes below 185% FPL. Additionally, food insecurity may be more common for those whose employment status, neighborhood of residence, and access to transportation further reduce their food access[4],[5],[6].
Nutrition Insecurity
Nutrition insecurity is defined as the lack of “consistent and equitable access to nutritious, safe, affordable foods essential to optimal health and wellbeing[7].” While most households that experience food insecurity also experience nutrition insecurity, households that experience food security can also experience nutrition insecurity. As most screenings focus on food security rather than nutrition security, national data on the prevalence of nutrition insecurity is not yet available. The concept of nutrition insecurity has been adopted by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) as a core goal for their food-related initiatives. Nutrition security, beyond just food security, is necessary to reduce the development and exacerbation of chronic illnesses resulting from poor nutrition[8].
Dietary Quality
While food and nutrition insecurity are primary drivers of poor diet, other factors such as food availability (food deserts), personal preference, religious and cultural dietary practices, nutrition knowledge, and other psychosocial factors may contribute to dietary options and choices[9]. Analysis found that 45% of U.S. adults have a poor diet[10]. According to analysis of a representative sample of U.S. high school students, only “8.5% of high school students nationwide met [USDA] fruit recommendations and 2.1% met vegetable recommendations[11].” Research on adult dietary consumption has shown that income is a predictor for inadequate vegetable consumption (only 7% of adults below or close to the FPL consume an adequate amount of vegetables) but even high income groups had inadequate vegetable consumption (only 11.4% of adults in the highest income categories consume an adequate amount of vegetables)[12]. Healthy People 2030 includes a number of specific nutrition objectives including increasing calcium, potassium, fruit, and vegetable (including dark green, red and orange, beans and peas) consumption in people over age two[13],[14],[15],[16],[17],[18],[19].
Health Impacts of Food and Nutrition Insecurity and Poor Diet
Having an unhealthy diet and poor nutrition is associated with a range of physical and behavioral health conditions that are disproportionately experienced by people of color[20]. Poor diet is associated with both obesity and type 2 diabetes, as well as other chronic health conditions such as cardiovascular disease and cancer[21],[22],. Individuals experiencing food and nutrition insecurity have a higher risk of long-term chronic health conditions including obesity, diabetes, and hypertension[23],[24],[25],[26],[27]. Individuals experiencing food insecurity are more likely to go to the emergency room (ER), less likely to have a usual source of care, and have higher healthcare costs[28],[29],[30],[31]
The length of time a person experiences food insecurity is related to the severity of the health impacts[32]. A study examining food insecurity in children over four years of age found that children who experienced food insecurity for longer periods of time had worse health outcomes[33].
According to the CDC, the prevalence of obesity among those ages two to 19 was 19.7%, or about 14.7 million children, adolescents, and young adults. Childhood obesity is also more prevalent among certain racial and ethnic groups (26.2% among Hispanic/Latino children, 24.8% among non-Hispanic Black children). Obesity-related conditions include high blood pressure, high cholesterol, type 2 diabetes, breathing problems such as asthma and sleep apnea, and joint problems[34].
The impacts of food insecurity extend beyond diet-related conditions. Children who experience food insecurity have a higher risk of iron deficiency anemia, low non-cognitive performance, asthma, depression, suicide ideation, and tooth decay[35]. Food insecurity has been shown to be a major stressor in early childhood with implications for cognitive, language, motor, and socio-emotional skills[36]
A food desert is defined as a geographic area that is at least ten miles from the nearest supermarket or full-service grocery store[37]. Food deserts are generally characterized as communities that not only have limited access to nutritious foods but also experience disproportionate levels of diet-related chronic illness[38]. An analysis of two communities with over 40% of the population living under the FPL and 70% identifying as racial or ethnic minorities found that the majority of food retailers in the area did not sell whole wheat bread, fresh fruits and vegetables, or lean meat[39]. Building new permanent structures for full-service supermarkets is one of the interventions often employed to eliminate food deserts.
Studies of individuals residing in food deserts found that they are 25-46% less likely to have healthy diets[40],[41],. In non-metropolitan areas, proximity of residence to grocery stores does not correlate with diet[42]. In addition, while some data show that grocery store proximity impacts diet quality, physical grocery store proximity to residence (one mile) does not increase food security[43]. Instead, it was found that car ownership (rather than public transportation or having to borrow a car) appears to be a stronger predictor of food security due to improved access to supermarkets[44].
Government and private initiatives have been implemented to incentivize supermarkets to locate in food deserts as a means of improving access to nutritious food[45]. Between 2011 and 2015, the federal government invested more than $500 million through financing assistance efforts that included the opening of full-service supermarkets in food deserts[46]. In addition, between 2004 and 2015, around 126 supermarket developments were supported by “fresh food financing” programs with a higher proportion of programs taking place in the mid-Atlantic region and Southern California[47]. The Pennsylvania Fresh Food Financing Initiative was established in 2004 as the first public-private financing program that tied the development of supermarkets with mitigating health disparities. Additional “fresh food financing” programs include The Food Trust, which is considered a food access advocacy nonprofit, and The Reinvestment Fund, a community development financial institution[48]. The Healthy Food Financing Initiative, part of the federal farm bill, is a public-private partnership to incentivize grocers to locate in low-access areas, increasing convenience and bringing more jobs to these communities[49].
Residents of a food-retail deficit community in Glasgow, United Kingdom (UK).
Provision of a new hypermarket (a retail store that combines a department and grocery store) in a food desert in a Scottish community.
Non-randomized trial. A total of 3,975 pre-intervention surveys were administered to both the intervention and control groups, with 412 individuals (220 from the intervention group and 192 from the control group) responding to both the pre-and post-intervention surveys.
Health: Evidence of a net reduction in the prevalence of self-reported poor mental health for residents who directly engaged with the intervention was seen; however, was not significant.
Social: No significant population-wide impact on daily fruit and vegetable consumption was detected.
Residents of food deserts in two neighborhoods in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
One neighborhood without a grocery store or supermarket was the recipient of a new supermarket (as part of the PA-FFI) while the other neighborhood was a comparison (with no new supermarket).
Non-randomized trial. Data were collected from a representative sample of residents in both the intervention and comparison neighborhoods three years before and 6-11 months after the supermarket opened.
Health: The new supermarket did not lead to significant changes in obesity (measured by BMI).
Social: Few residents adopted the new supermarket as their main food store. While the new supermarket increased awareness of food access it did not lead to significant changes in dietary habits. However, the supermarket had a positive impact on residents' perceptions of food accessibility in the intervention neighborhood, and store adopters reported an incremental increase in fruit and vegetable consumption.
Adult residents of two comparable low-income urban neighborhoods in Pittsburgh, PA.
A Healthy Food Financing Initiative-funded supermarket was opened in one of two low-socioeconomic food desert neighborhoods.
Non-randomized trial. Data were collected two years before and one year after the supermarket opened in one of the neighborhoods, with comparisons made between the two neighborhoods looking at one neighborhood with a new grocery store and the other that maintained the number of grocery retailers.
Health: There were no significant improvements in BMI.
Social: There were no significant improvements in fruit and vegetable intake, or whole grain consumption.
In the neighborhood with the new supermarket, there were net decreases in average daily intakes of calories, added sugars, and percentage of calories from fats, added sugars, and alcohol.
Neighborhood satisfaction improved around perceived access to healthy food.
Residents in two urban Cleveland, OH neighborhoods.
A community development corporation created a food hub—a business or organization that actively manages the aggregation, distribution, and marketing of source-identified food products primarily from local and regional producers in order to satisfy wholesale, retail, and institutional demand—in one of two neighborhoods.
Natural experiment. Examined a food hub in an urban neighborhood in Cleveland, Ohio (n=179) compared to another Cleveland neighborhood (n=150).
Social: The food hub led to minor improvements in the perceived availability of nutritious/healthy foods but not dietary patterns.
Residents of two under-resourced neighborhoods in Pittsburgh, PA.
The opening of a supermarket in one of two under-resourced food desert neighborhoods.
Comparative study. In-store audits and household surveys were analyzed for differences between the intervention neighborhood and the control neighborhood. The study compared access, availability of healthy foods, and food prices.
Social: The study found improved geographic accessibility of a supermarket for local residents in the intervention group. There was little improvement in net availability of healthy foods. Prices for staple foods decreased while junk food prices steeply increased.
Residents of two under-resourced neighborhoods in Pittsburgh, PA.
The opening of a supermarket in one of two under-resourced food desert neighborhoods.
Random sample survey comparison study. The study included a randomly selected cohort in two under-resourced Pittsburgh neighborhoods before and about one year following the opening of a supermarket. Used a difference-in-difference methodology to compare changes in food insecurity, Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women Infant and Children participation, income, employment, and self-reported health and chronic conditions.
Health: There were fewer new diagnoses of high cholesterol (-9.6%, P = .01) and arthritis (-7.4%, P = .02) in the neighborhood with the new supermarket relative to residents of the comparison neighborhood. Prevalence of diabetes increased less in the neighborhood with the supermarket than in the comparison neighborhood (-3.6%, P = .10).
Social: Declines in food insecurity (-11.8%, P < .01) and SNAP participation (-12.2%, P < .01) were meaningful between the intervention and comparison groups. Suggestive evidence identified that residents' incomes increased more ($1550, P = .09) in the intervention neighborhood.
Residents of Leeds, England, where limited grocery store access was identified.
Construction of a new food store in the area.
Pre-post analysis. Data was collected in two waves: 1,009 responses in wave one (before the store opened) and 615 responses in wave two (one year after the store opened). The study examined whether the new food store improved access to healthy foods and influenced dietary changes.
Social: 45% of respondents (276 individuals) switched to the new food store as their main food retail source, with 35% (218 individuals) citing it as their main source of fruits and vegetables. Although the mean consumption of fruits and vegetables increased slightly from 2.88 to 2.92 portions per day, this change was not statistically significant. The authors noted that these aggregate statistics concealed both large and subtle changes in dietary patterns, with a significant upward shift in fruit and vegetable consumption observed post-intervention.
Members of the Kaiser Permanente Northern California Diabetes Registry with type 2 diabetes, residing in eight neighborhoods with new supermarkets opening between 2009 and 2010.
The opening of 12 new supermarkets in eight neighborhoods, reducing the distance to the nearest supermarket.
Observational study with a comparison group. Data were collected on residents continuously from 12 months before the first supermarket opened until 10 months after the last supermarket opened.
Health: Reduced distance to the nearest supermarket (by 0.7 miles on average) was not associated with changes in BMI or levels of obesity in residents with type 2 diabetes.
Individuals with type 2 diabetes from the Kaiser Permanente Northern California Diabetes Registry. A total of 160,000 subjects who contributed 434,806 person-years were included.
Changes in neighborhood supermarket availability (supermarkets opening or closing).
Observational study with a comparison group. Data were collected over a four-year period. The study estimated associations between changes in neighborhood supermarket presence and changes in glycemic control (measured by glycated hemoglobin, HbA1c).
Health: Gaining neighborhood supermarkets did not result in substantive improvements in glycemic control for individuals with type 2 diabetes. Supermarket loss was linked to worsened HbA1c trajectories in individuals with good, moderate, and poor baseline glycemic control. Associations between supermarket gain or loss and change in HbA1c were not observed in long-difference regression models and thus appear to be short-lived.
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